COALITIONS BECOME MODISH ALIBI FOR GAINING POWER
And so…we have stories that the society is interested in. We also have stories which are interesting from human point of view. And we came to the stories which are beneficial to the society although nobody is interested in them…
Terry Pratchet, The Truth
The social interest has always been the favorite alibi of all politicians. Moreover, both in the name of it and on behalf of it the policy itself has sprung up from. And the ruling tripartite coalition arose three years ago together with the social interest and the promised EU membership of Bulgaria. At least this is the official statement of the coalition's members. In fact, the trio is a fruit of the social unconcern and lack of motivation to participate in the political life. This is an euphemistic way of saying that people just do not want to vote. In this way president Gerogy Parvanov handed in 2005 three consecutive times a mandate for constituting a government to the first three political forces. The state head had a steadfast alibi: he had no way of jumping over the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF), which, in the long run, became the mandate holder. But…why did he lay so many efforts for a government to come into being exactly on the third round? Wasn't it possible in the name of our social, national or common European interest to advise Sergey Stanishev to yield the PM post to Simeon Saxe-Coburg-Gotha and a cabinet to be immediately constituted? And it was not needed at all to relay on the MRF's votes in the Parliament. The already former coalition of the Bulgarian National Union (Sofiyanski, Mozer and Karakachanov) was queuing up to save the state while it could have involved the former United Democratic Forces, too, which are marginally represented in the Parliament now. In Parvanov's case, the logic ruthlessly shows a discrepancy between the personal and the social interest. The current president was not convinced in his second mandate three years ago. He could have received security only through MRF's votes against the background of the faint voting.
Needles to remind what the tripartite coalition incurred to the country. The country was admitted to EU membership but only for paying membership tax without being able to avail of the provided EU funds because the local contrived appointments is not being approved in Brussels. We also furnished ourselves with a significant inflation before the global financial crisis. Not only did the energetic monopoly remained steadfast but it completely concreted itself at the consumers' expense. At the same time, both president and the leaders of the three parties keep on imposing that the state needs to have a stable government for the sake of its good image before Europe and the world. However, it is obvious that our statesmen bring into being mainly discrediting skirmishes and scandals on corruption.
There are probably grounds for assumptions that two of the coalition members are very willing to get rid of the third one, Ahmed Dogan. The question is that their courage will not be enough so as to do it until the end of the current majority. Meanwhile a concealed leftist resevre appeared on the political stage in the person of the new-fledged Onward coalition. Its appearance is not a suprise at all. There is also nothing unusual in the political parties' attempt to guarntee themselves majority for the Next Assembly right now.
It is more interesting whether the National Movement Simeon II (NMS) will manage to successfully take an extremely sharp turn because, if not a succes, it may fly off the political racing track. And all of a sudden those dependent upon NMS became all ears for the public voices and felt no cosy in company with MRF. State Security have subserved the MRF's establishment Mincho Spasov, chairman of the internal parliamentary commission and NMS's vice-chairman, told Nova TV on November 3, 2008. The NMS members do not feel comfortable in company with Dogan's insiders, Spasov added. He put an end to his confessions using the common excuse that the circumstanced have forced them to accept this partnership. On the other had, Milen Velchev, NMS's most important figure after Simeon II, said on the same day in Plovdiv that although having a stable electorate, MRF may fall off from a future ruling coalition. This is not an enlightenment at all as far as no matter how deep are the waters that a certain political force is in, it could not miss the negatives that a partnership with Dogan brings forth. Therefore, the big quest for partners have already started. There are serious chances for NMS to get in the center of the political spectrum and to choose with whom to shook on the bargain after the elections, Velchev added. He confirmed that NMS will play solo at the elections and pointed out Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria (GERB) and Bulgarian Socialistic Party (BSP) as its most perspective future partners. For the time being, the sociologists forecast a little chance for NMS to enter into the next National Assembly after the June 2009 elections. But there is still lot of time and the NMS members will probably change their attitude both towrds MRF within the coalition and the way they will take part in the elections. There is probably a little bit of truth that the analyzers find in Lider party a future political crutch to BSP.
It will not be a surprise for the socialist to get themselves involved into a strange coalition, especially after their current mandate. It is natural for BSP's electorate to swallow those who are with them but just in case that both Simeon II and Dogan will not play in the future coalition. Why do we say those who are with them? Still a year ago BANKER wrote that the lines of Lider are full of former socialists and relicts of the George Ganchev's Bulgarian Business Block, communists of the former regime, and new-fledged, also related to the former regime industrials. At the last elections, not other but prof. Dragomir Draganov was a candidate-mayor of Sofia on behalf of Lider. Draganov is a former socialist, ardent supporter of president Georgy Parvanov and a National Rescue Union's representative at the 38th National Assembly. And a candidate-mayor on behalf of Kovachki's party for Blagoevgrad was the communist hardliner Lazar Prichkapov who has left BSP because of its modernisms.
There is no way to pass by the coalition's exotic filling that Hristo Kovachki originated last weekend. Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (VMRO, headed by Krassimir Karakachanov), Agrarian National Union (ANU) (headed by Stefan Lichev) and Lider (formally headed by Kancho Filipov but funded and inspired by Hristo Kovachki) were all included in the Onward movement which was formed on a special conference. Although still green, the movement already involved some parliamentary sequels which could not be neglected. The deputies Stefan Sofiyanski, Borislav Balgarinov and Roumen Angleov officially left on November 4, 2008 ANU's parliamentary group within which they used to coalesce with some VMRO representatives and Anastasia Mozer's followers. The three of the Union of Free Democrates become independent deputies but it is not impossible for them to join some of the opposition groups like United Democratic Forces, Democrats for Strong Bulgaria or Bulgarian New Democracy. Their leave was motivated by diagreement with both VMRO and ANU's policy, as well as by their close relationship with non-parliamentary party Lider.
The veteran Anastasiya Mozer even outstripped them announcing at the parliamentary session still on October 31, 2008 that she is leaving BANU. She has ceased all legal claims towards Stefan Lichev. In fact, Mozer heads a formation named Bulgarian Agrarian National Union (BANU) - National Union. She received a legal right over the name after being eliminated by Lichev on a congress with an internal coup. The Municiapl Court of Sofia cancelled on June 30, 2008 the decision taken on ANU's congress on May 18, 2006 when Lichev was chosen chief-secretary. He, at his part, lost the party's brand and registered an organization called Agrarian National Union. Approximately 3000 applications for leaving ANU have been filed during the several last days, Mozer said. According to her, the new agrarians have formally stayed in Lichev's organization but being no satisfied with his leadership. Anastasiya Mozer will set up a new party during a congress to be held this month. The party will include the united BANU-National Union, BANU Nikola Petkov and other agrarian formations. They are aiming at participating solo at the next parliamentary elections. For the time being, the agrarian female leader do not find it necessary to leave ANU parliamentary group.
In the Bulgarian political centre (which actually inclines leftward) a coalition exhilaration is already present. The rightists make requests for a possible post-coalition cooperation with Boiko Borissov's formation GERB. However, the sad thing is that there are all prerequsites needed for a coalition of private interest to form in the next assembly. What other choice will remain for the people if the public interest would again be trampled on? Only this thing which, who knows why, have not been done yet - to gather under the rulers' windows and mildly but decisively advice them to go away. And wait them to leave for good.